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Desistance and Disabled Masculine Identity: Exploring the Role of Serious Violent Victimization in the Desistance Process

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Journal of Developmental and Life-Course Criminology Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

Purpose

This manuscript proposes a theoretical model that will explain how violently acquired impairments (VAI) can serve as a turning point in the life-course of active male offenders or lead to further entrenchment in criminal lifestyles. Here, VAI refers to any form of physical impairment acquired as a result of interpersonal violence that limits a person’s mobility or ability to perform basic physical activities.

Methods

By examining the intersections among gender, disability, and life-course criminology, the proposed model will explain how men reconstruct their disabled masculine identity following VAI.

Results

In doing so, I argue that these ‘new’ identities following VAI can facilitate persistence in offending or desistance from crime.

Conclusions

This theoretical model will contribute to the literature by describing the many ways in which men perform masculinity and providing a more nuanced discussion of how serious violent victimization can alter the life-course of male offenders.

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Notes

  1. See, for an exception, the influential work of Jacques and Wright [2] that explored how victimization can sometimes produce positive turning points among active middle-class drug dealers living in suburban Georgia.

  2. In this manuscript, impairment, a consequence of disability, is defined as “lacking all or part of a limb, or having a defective limb, organism, or mechanism of the body” ([7]: 22).

  3. In this manuscript, VAI refers to any form of physical impairment acquired as a result of interpersonal violence that limits a person’s mobility or ability to perform basic physical activities.

  4. In this manuscript, offending men refers to men who are embedded in “street life” which is characterized by dangerousness and interpersonal violence [11]. Under these conditions, “street” offending men would include robbers/thieves, burglars, drug-dealers, and gang members.

  5. This theoretical analysis is restricted to examining the role of VAI among male offenders, as the purpose of this manuscript is to explore the role of masculinity. This is not to suggest that women are unable to construct masculinity as well [12].

  6. Having neglected race and class in their theory, West and Fenstermaker [27] have since extended their analysis to consider how race and class simultaneously work together in the production and reproduction of gender performance.

  7. Although beyond the scope of this paper, this rather simplistic conceptualization of gender has since undergone change in recent years in part owing to the LGBTQ movement. Gender is not merely defined by the assignment of sex but rather gender falls on a spectrum-suggesting that there are a multitude of masculinities and femininities (Miller 2002).

  8. Although Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity has been tremendously influential in explicating the multiplicities of masculinities, it has been criticized for its ambiguities and inaccuracies in its application to explain crime. Specifically, critics have argued that hegemonic masculinity has been conceptualized as a fixed character type associated primarily with negative characteristics that depict men as unemotional, aggressive and violent [31]. However, in their subsequent reformulation, Connell and Messerschmidt [31] has since advised against this notion and stressed that violence is not the only defining feature of hegemony masculinity—although violence may be utilized in some cases to maintain gender dominance and is also associated with positive behaviors such as fatherhood, provider or spouse that are often overlooked in the literature.

  9. Gershick and Miller’s (1994) original model proposed three strategies: Reliance- refer to men who rely on hegemonic ideals of masculinity; Rejection—refers to men who reject normative expectations of hegemonic masculinity and Reformulation—refers to men who reconstruct an alternative masculinity given the resources at their disposal. However, due to criticisms that questioned the distinction between the Reformulation and Rejection strategies, (Gershick 1997) argued that disabled men were either complicit or resisted traditional hegemonic standards.

  10. Although “fatherhood” and “wounded healer” are not exhaustive prosocial masculine identities among men who have desisted, these are the only identities I can reference given the small body of literature of criminally involved men with violently acquired injuries. I do recognize that this is a limitation of this manuscript.

  11. It is important to note that Messerschmidt [58] structured action theory does not assume that crime is the only way of accomplishing masculinity, but crime may be one way for some marginalized men to “do gender” given the structural constraints.

  12. Other factors that could influence the desistance process are: association with delinquent peers, residential change, and relationship status or social support.

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Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Professors Lee Ann Slocum, Stephanie DiPietro, and Elaine Doherty for their helpful comments as well as the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions.

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  1. University of Missouri-St. Louis, 338A Lucas Hall, One University Blvd, St. Louis, MO, 63121, USA

    Cherrell Green

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Green, C. Desistance and Disabled Masculine Identity: Exploring the Role of Serious Violent Victimization in the Desistance Process. J Dev Life Course Criminology 5, 287–309 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40865-019-00106-7

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40865-019-00106-7

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