Peshmerga celebrating Newroz at the frontline of the Kurdistan Region.
|
|
|
|
Why Kurdish Security Assistance Must Be Distinguished from Broader Iraq Funding |
|
|
|
The Middle East is more volatile than at any point since 2003. While the United States and Israel conducted military operations against Iran, Iranian-backed militias waged more than 500 attacks from Iraqi territory on U.S. forces, Kurdish positions, and civilian infrastructure. ISIS is probing for a comeback. Meanwhile, Baghdad is unable to form a government. The U.S. military presence is shrinking with troops fallen to a level low now, consolidating in the Kurdistan Region, the most stable operating environment left in the country.
Amid these challenges, the FY 2027 defense budget does not include reauthorization for nonpartisan Kurdish forces under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga. It does request $119 million to assist security forces in Iraq, "including the Kurdish Security Forces." But that language is precisely the problem. If the United States cannot clearly distinguish between partners who fight alongside it and the security structures that harbor forces fighting against it, it undermines the very alliances that hold together American influence in the Middle East.
The word "including" leaves Congress uncertain about how much money actually reaches Kurdish forces. It fails to protect those funds from interference by federal Iraqi authorities. Worse, the language ignores that these are two fundamentally different partners.
Previous budget justifications were more explicit. The FY 2024 request designated $241.9 million for Iraq, with Kurdish forces identified as a distinct component receiving support through a dedicated advisory channel. The FY 2025 request was roughly $380 million with the same structure. Vetted Kurdish nonpartisan forces were recognized as critical to U.S. strategic goals. Dropping to $119 million under vague language is a step backward in both funding and clarity.
Baghdad's Record
Between 2023 and 2025, Baghdad transferred only 41 percent of the Kurdistan Region's approved financial entitlements under the federal budget law. The federal government has systematically withheld funds through oil export blockades, trade restrictions, and judicial rulings that have chipped away at Kurdish autonomy. While Kurdish civil servants go months without pay, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), the state-funded paramilitary umbrella dominated by Iranian-backed factions, saw its budget surge from $2.16 billion to $3.5 billion between 2022 and 2024 with minimal oversight.
Given this track record, routing U.S. security funds through such a system invites delay and dilution, while seeking alternative channels could expedite support and ensure effectiveness.
The PMF is formally part of Iraq's armed forces, but it does not answer to the government in Baghdad. It operates on $3.4 billion a year, more than the entire state revenue of Lebanon. Six of its most prominent factions, including Kataib Hezbollah and Asaib Ahl al-Haq, are designated terrorist entities by the United States and directly supported by Iran's Revolutionary Guards.
Between October 2023 and February 2024, these groups attacked U.S. forces 165 times across Iraq, Syria, and Jordan, killing three American service members at Tower 22. In March 2026, Baghdad authorized the PMF to respond to strikes on its bases, effectively making Iraq a belligerent in the regional war.
Currently, the bill assigns unspecified funding for both Kurdish forces, who take fire on America's behalf, and the very structure that shelters those doing the shooting, to the same account. That makes no sense.
The ISIS Clock
ISIS remains active, with roughly 3,000 fighters still operating in Iraq and Syria, and attacks rose significantly in 2024. In January 2026, Iraq began receiving 7,000 high-risk detainees from collapsing Syrian detention facilities, adding pressure to an already strained security environment. Kurdish forces hold the northern front, running detention support and providing intelligence as ISIS cells remain active. The Department of Defense has acknowledged that these forces liberated more than 50,000 square kilometers from ISIS control. Now is not the moment to make their funding less certain.
What Congress Should Do
Designate a specific funding level. Clearly justify the amount allocated to Kurdish forces from the $119 million. Reference the rationale used in previous CTEF justifications in the authorization language.
Establish a direct funding channel. Prevent Kurdish security assistance from requiring approval or pass-through by federal Iraqi authorities, who have withheld most of the Kurdistan Region's own budget entitlements for three years.
Require delivery reporting. Direct the Department of Defense to report to Congress on whether Kurdish assistance arrived on schedule and in full, and flag any obstruction. Instruct the Lead Inspector General to add a Kurdish-specific line to the quarterly OIR CTEF delivery reports for enhanced oversight.
Re-authorize Funding for the Ministry of Peshmerga. The previous authorization of funds to the Ministry of Peshmerga included a sunset clause set to expire in 2026. Congress should act to renew this funding without interruption. The broader conflict across the Middle East, combined with a deteriorating security environment in Iraq, has made the Peshmerga an essential partner in maintaining regional stability.
Recognize that the United States has few partners in the Middle East who have sacrificed and remained loyal. Treat the Kurds as one of those partners. Fund them accordingly.
Yerevan Saeed,
Barzani Scholar-in-Residence
Director of the Global Kurdish Initiative for Peace
|
|
|
|
Yerevan Saeed engaged with a range of stakeholders from the public and private sectors during the World Bank-IMF Spring Meetings in Washington, D.C., where he met with delegates from several countries.
His engagements included a brief meeting with International Energy Agency Executive Director Fatih Birol to discuss the status of the Iraq-Türkiye pipeline. Saeed also met with officials from the Kurdistan Regional Government in Washington, where discussions focused on relations between the United States, Iraq, and the Kurdistan Region.
Saeed also participated in the Kurdish Studies Conference, which was hosted by the Kurdish Studies Series at the LSE Middle East Centre and the University of Sheffield’s School of Sociological Studies, Politics and International Relations.
|
|
|
|
Between Washington, Tel Aviv, and Tehran: Kurdistan’s Precarious Position |
On April 17, the Global Kurdish Initiative for Peace convened a webinar entitled "Between Washington, Tel Aviv, and Tehran: Kurdistan's Precarious Position" to examine the impact of U.S., Israeli, and Iranian conflicts on the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The event was moderated by Yerevan Saeed, Barzani Scholar-in-Residence at American University's School of International Service. The featured speakers were Dr. Dlawer Ala'Aldeen, founding president of the Middle East Research Institute in Erbil, and Dr. Ken Pollack, Vice President for Policy at the Middle East Institute in Washington, D.C.
Both speakers characterized the Kurdistan Region as vulnerable because of its strategic partnerships and frequent neglect by policymakers in Washington. The absence of diplomatic support from key American officials in recent years has left Kurdistan isolated, diminished its autonomy, and strengthened Baghdad's position. Delays in the provision of defensive weaponry and intelligence support, particularly following repeated missile attacks, have further illustrated this neglect. Additionally, American policymakers have often disregarded Kurdish appeals for increased assistance during budgetary crises resulting from tensions between Erbil and Baghdad.
|
|
|
|
|
Sirwan Kajjo published an article with Middle East Forum titled "Ambassador Tom Barrack Keeps Misreading the Middle East." In the article, he argued that Ambassador Tom Barrack misunderstands the Middle East by favoring engagement with authoritarian leaders, an approach Kajjo says ignores local democratic aspirations and ultimately fuels instability rather than lasting stability.
|
|
|
|
|
Sirwan Kajjo published an article with Middle East Forum titled "The United States Exiting Kurdish Syria Is a Mistake." In the article, he argued that the U.S. withdrawal from Kurdish-controlled areas in Syria is a mistake because it abandons a reliable ally and creates a dangerous security vacuum that groups like the Islamic State could exploit.
|
|
|
|
|
Meghan Bodette published an article with Kurdish Peace Institute titled "How to Invent a War." In the article, she argued that misleading media and official claims falsely portrayed Kurds as taking part in the conflict in Iran, when in reality they were not involved and were instead harmed by it.
|
|
|
|
Art and Culture: Huner Emin |
|
|
|
| "For me, art should function as a form of resistance. Otherwise, it becomes only aesthetic. Art can be a means of shedding light on atrocities and telling stories."
Huner Emin, a Kurdish artist from Duhok in the Kurdistan Region, explores the intersections of identity, displacement, and political violence through his artistic practice. Following his studies in visual art in Sulaimaniyah and Erbil, Emin relocated to the United States in 2013 to pursue an MFA in studio art. This transition prompted him to anchor his work more firmly in lived experience.
|
|
|
|
While initially influenced by Western artistic traditions, Emin’s practice has developed into multidisciplinary projects that focus on Kurdish identity, statelessness, and broader political contexts.
Informed by philosophy and conceptual art, Emin produces installations, video works, and performances that examine war, memory, and displacement. Projects such as Manufactured Democracy, Testimonies from Mount Sinjar, and Blood Washing connect personal narrative with collective trauma. His practice draws on the Kurdish experience of fragmentation, shaped by borders, various forms of colonialism, and cultural divisions. The experience of living in diaspora introduces an additional dimension of separation, which is articulated through the interplay of physical installations and elements such as sound and oral storytelling.
Currently based in the United States, Emin continues to employ art as a means of resistance and remembrance. In this interview, he addresses the responsibilities of artists, the challenges inherent in representing marginalized histories, and his dedication to prioritizing human experience over abstraction.
|
|
|
|
NextGen Voices: Susan Zibari |
|
|
|
"I want to give back to the U.S., which gave so much to my family, while also advocating for the Kurdish people. I believe it’s possible to do both."
Susan Zibari’s journey from Shreveport, Louisiana to the policy sphere of Washington, D.C. illustrates both her family’s immigrant experience and her increasing dedication to public service. As a member of one of the few Kurdish families in her community, she sustained a strong connection to her heritage through regular visits to Kurdistan. These experiences significantly influenced her identity and fostered an early interest in global affairs.
|
| |
|
Zibari began her career by pursuing business, earning both a bachelor’s degree and an MBA. Her relocation to Washington in 2018 for a congressional internship represented a pivotal moment. Engagement with Capitol Hill introduced her to new professional opportunities, prompting a shift toward international relations and diplomacy. She subsequently worked with the Kurdistan Regional Government Representation in the United States and later spent four years at the Australian Embassy, where she gained experience in both political and trade portfolios.
Currently, Zibari serves as a special assistant on Capitol Hill while pursuing a master’s degree in Foreign Policy and National Security at American University through the Global Kurdish Initiative for Peace. In this interview, she reflects on her transition into policy, her strategies for balancing full-time employment with graduate studies, and her aspiration to advance both U.S. public service and advocacy for the Kurdish community.
|
|
|
|
Iraq
The Kurdistan Region of Iraq is enduring relentless security pressure amid escalating regional tensions. Since the U.S.-Israel-Iran war began, .
Türkiye
President Erdogan described the PKK peace process as moving forward positively. Separately, Education Minister Yusuf Tekin reported a two-year increase in
Syria
The Syrian government and Kurdistan Region began jointly administering , overseeing all goods, trade, and civilian movement.
Iran
Early in the month, President Trump announced a with Iran, but fighting persisted with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps launching on the Kurdistan Region.
|
|
|
|
The Barzani Peace Fellowship |
|
|
|
Established in honor of the Kurdish leader Mustafa Barzani, the Global Kurdish Initiative for Peace offers the Barzani Peace Fellowship, a prestigious scholarship for graduate students dedicated to Kurdish affairs. Beyond financial support, it empowers future leaders through academic excellence, professional development, and opportunities to engage directly with the program and its mission for peace.
|
|
|
|
Manage your preferences | Opt Out using TrueRemove™
Got this as a forward? Sign up to receive our future emails.
View this email online.
|
4400 Massachusetts Avenue, NW | Washington, DC 20016 US
|
|
|
|
This email was sent to .
To continue receiving our emails, add us to your address book.
|
|
| |
|
|
